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For example, Austad (1976) found the proportion of violent males in all age and sex categories in forager cultures to be higher than in non-forager cultures (see also McArthur 1963; C. R. Ember and Ember 1998).
Ember (1989) suggested that, given the taste for fighting that is so prevalent among men, societies that discriminated strongly against men or even allowed them to be killed as a matter of course were necessarily societies with weak social hierarchy. Such societies presumably did not have great differences of status among their fighting men (C. R. Ember 1989).
One study compared the incidence of some warfare in Kibale with the incidence of \"lower\" fighting in Huru. The Kibale study consisted of a survey of six warrior families and their matrilineal descendants in Kibale. Kibale has traditionally been a patrilineal society. However, matrilineality was inaugurated upon the Kibale creation account. After this, a few males from each of the six warrior families were sent back to Huru, where they resided for a number of years. The individuals were then brought back to Kibale and monitored. When adult males in a number of matrilineal families in Kibale were observed to wield weapons, the study was terminated (Ember and Ember 1989).
Hunting and gathering capabilities also vary among local groups and across time. For example,!Kung had only very simple tools like awls, saws, hammers, and wooden clubs. But 17,000 year-old Californian deer flappers showed that by the time humans moved to the New World, people possessed 'dremel guns' that required skinning and fleshing and that had flint, antler, stone, and fiber tips. And the Upper Paleolithic 'Venus figurines' showed a sophisticated bone awl for flintworking, and they were made by a workshop adapted from a shell gatherer's site (C. R. Ember 1988). 7211a4ac4a